Archive for December, 2009
Questions, rabbit trails and how to know when a bear is “disturbed”
Attorneys often ask how we keep mock jurors so engaged and focused over long days of evidence presentation and discussion. The answer is simple if a bit tongue in cheek: we keep them busy and they know there’s going to be a test (in the form of group discussion) at the end.
Obviously you can’t be handing out questionnaires and engaging actual jurors in discussion of their reactions to evidence presented as it unfolds at trial. But there are things you can do that dramatically improve juror focus and engagement. Here are two strategies to increase juror engagement.
Let them ask questions: In Tennessee, jurors can ask questions if the judge allows it. The questions must be submitted and attorneys and judge confer to determine legality. A recent jury submitted one question following more than an hour of testimony from a psychiatric expert witness: “Does he know right from wrong – yes or no?”. Juror questions can cut to the heart of the testimony.
If you can’t have jurors asking questions, use pre-trial research to identify what their questions will likely be and address those questions as you walk witnesses through testimony. “In your expert opinion, Dr., does the defendant know right from wrong, yes or no?” Answering the questions jurors wonder about ensures you more than likely know how the ‘holes’ jurors see in the story are being filled in. Jurors appreciate knowing the facts that matter—and when they do, it’s much easier for them to refute “conspiracy theories” or idiosyncratic interpretations of evidence in the deliberation room.
Identify potential rabbit trails: Jurors can be distracted by the oddest things! Part of your job is to ensure they do not wander off on “rabbit trails” that lead nowhere and are ancillary to the story itself. An example of this type comes from San Francisco and a jury deliberating on a charge of “disturbing dangerous animals” after a mentally ill man snuck into the home of two female grizzly bears at the San Francisco Zoo. The question was whether the defendant had known he was entering a bear enclosure. Jurors however, became preoccupied by how one would know if you had indeed “disturbed” a bear and eventually acquitted the defendant.
This is obviously an unusual story for a jury to hear. What is more important is that the jury became sidetracked and engaged in a lengthy discussion of how one knows if a bear is disturbed. Walking the jury through the charge via over-sized exhibits is a terrific way of helping them to focus their attention in deliberation. Let them know what the operative (i.e., important) terms are in this case. Then, when faced with a rabbit trail, jurors can appreciate the humor in a “define disturbed” segue but return quickly to the (relevant) task at hand.
Responding to juror questions by providing evidence and testimony to answer them allows jurors to focus on the facts rather than on their fantasies about ‘why’ certain things happened. Walking jurors through the jury charge teaches them what the task is they are charged with completing. Both of these tactics reduce juror stress and uncertainty as they walk to the deliberation room. Answer questions and give them direction. It’s not that hard.
Redux: Bye-bye CSI?
Back in August of this year we wrote a blog post titled ‘Bye-bye CSI?’ after the reports on dirty forensic labs were published. Now some new research challenges our assumptions that there really is a “CSI Effect”. (The “CSI Effect” refers to a belief that popular television shows focusing on forensic evidence—such as the CSI frasnchise—result in jurors requiring a definitive level of scientific evidence from prosecutors)
The “CSI Effect” has been talked about for years and and widely presumed to be true. A standard voir dire query has been to learn about television shows jurors watch. We even blog about it. But a soon to be published study (summarized here) conducted on a narrow sample of Michigan jurors brings the CSI Effect into question.
The same Michigan researchers wrote a paper in 2006 (upon which their new study is an expansion). In truth, this appears to be research that doesn’t make that much of a difference. What these authors said in 2006 is there is a ‘tech effect’ independent of television viewing habits.
According to the researchers, a rabid CSI viewer has an equal expectation of prosecutors and defense attorneys. Asking about television shows still has merit for other reasons, but if this research is to be accepted, the impact of forensic television shows is not the reason. Overall, the standard of scientific sufficiency for either side of a case has definitely been raised (especially in cases where the evidence is largely circumstantial). In 2006, the authors concluded the following:
- “Juror expectations of and demands for scientific evidence are the result of broader changes in popular culture related to advancements in both technology and information distribution.”
- “Those broad and pervasive changes in technology lead jurors to expect that the prosecutor will obtain and present the scientific evidence that technology has made possible.”
- “These increased expectations and demands of jurors therefore could be more accurately referred to as the ‘tech effect.’”
The authors go on to say the justice system needs to adapt to jurors increased awareness of forensic evidence gathering procedures and be prepared to invest more money into forensic evidence collection and analysis. In the meantime, litigators need to become better explainers of just why that data isn’t available in their specific cases.
While we’ll watch for the publication of the updated article, we think it boils down to an increase in juror sophistication, wariness, and sense of justice. Jurors are questioning authority more these days. They want proof. They take their obligations very seriously and don’t want to make mistakes. Your role as a litigator is to reassure them that your position is meritorious. What can you do to give them the certainty they seek?
Hon. Donald E. Shelton, Young S. Kim, and Gregg Barak (2006). A Study of Juror Expectations and Demands Concerning Scientific Evidence: Does the “CSI Effect” Exist? Vanderbilt Journal of Entertainment and Technology Law, 9(331).
On brains, brain damage, pedophilia and other things we don’t like
Gideon has a thoughtful post on the question of free will in pedophiles based on an earlier post at the Neuroskeptic blog. In essence, he questions how we should view/think of/treat pedophiles in our criminal justice system if there are times when sexual urges directed at children are caused by brain damage rather than a pre-existing sexual preference for children. Can pedophilia be explained by a biological imperitive? It’s a thoughtful and difficult question to pose, as Gideon notes at the end of his post by saying he is not supporting pedophilia—he is merely posing the question.
The question is timely. We are seeing increasing use of “my brain made me do it” defenses for crimes with NoLie MRI and Cephos offering commercial testing using fMRIs to determine deception for several years now. (NoLie MRI was involved in a widely reported case this last year where their brain scans were submitted as evidence in a juvenile sex abuse case but then withdrawn after protests from the scientific community.)
Robert Weisberg (co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center) says fMRI’s are increasingly being used as mitigating evidence in the sentencing phase to show that brain damage contributed to the behavior and makes the defendant less culpable. For example, a Chicago court recently allowed fMRI evidence to be presented by the defense to ‘prove’ the convicted defendant was psychopathic in the sentencing phase. The defendant was sentenced to death anyway. Perhaps the most shocking use of the fMRI occurred recently in India where a young woman involved in a romantic triangle was convicted of killing her ex-fiancee based on an fMRI scan that “purportedly showed she had a memory or “experiential knowledge” of committing the crime”.
The admissibility of these brain scans to ‘prove’ deception (or psychopathy, or even memories of committing murder) rests on individual judges, and skeptics abound including leading researchers in the neuroscience arena who simply say we do not yet know enough about what these results mean to make life and death decisions based on fMRI ‘evidence’. Even putting aside questions of whether the fMRI technology works (and the Stanford article provides a lot of good information on the question) how can you get past the natural (and understandable) negative reaction of jurors to behavior we find unconscionable? It seems most likely that jurors who are predisposed (by bias or other evidence) to agree with whatever the “scientific evidence” says will see it as confirmatory, and those who disagree with it will see it as junk science.
The reason that Daubert motions were endorsed in the first place was to avoid cluttering trials with junk science. Is this a step backward?
It may not (usually) be overt, but it’s still racism
Identifying bias is not always a simple thing. Sometimes it’s easy to see as we talked about here and other times it’s not (see our post here). The 2008 election of Barack Obama led some to proclaim we were now living in a post-racial society and others to scoff at the very idea. Racial arguments come up in very unexpected places—which would lead us to think the issues simmer just under the surface. Witness a “prominent Columbia architecture professor” who “punched a female university employee in the face” during a “heated argument about race relations”.
Don’t kid yourself. The reality is that racism is thriving. It’s just different. Researchers have been talking about modern racism for a long time now as we discuss here and attempting to measure covert or ‘implicit racism’. But it’s been tough to take the research methods (the most well-known measure is the Implicit Association Test) and apply them to the real-life/real-time assessment of racial bias.
Some new research begins to move us closer to being able to assess implicit racial prejudice by using a variation on the Implicit Association Test called the Go/No-go Association Task (GNAT). The researchers used a simple and elegant means of assessing seemingly unrelated responses (don’t you love how those psychologists do that?) over a five week period in 2008 (measuring implicit racism, attitudes toward Barack Obama, and then who they voted for in the election). Then the researchers went back to the same participants again (a year later) and asked them about attitudes toward the current healthcare debate. The results were striking (and are nicely summarized here).
In brief, health-care proposals were shown to participants and randomly assigned to being either Bill Clinton’s healthcare reform plan or Barack Obama’s healthcare reform plan. Among biased respondents, support for the ‘Clinton’ plan was 70% while support for the ‘Obama’ plan was 41%. Same plan. Different Presidents. Different races. (Among non-biased respondents, support for the plan was roughly the same no matter whose plan it was said to be.)
We first saw this reality while doing pre-trial research in a plane crash case where the airline had acknowledged negligence and all that was left to determine was damages to some surviving passengers. It was shocking. This blog post is not merely a screed against racism (although we wish we could do more to end it). As we have noted numerous times, various kinds of bias play a part in virtually every case. We have the responsibility to monitor how these forces will compromise the jury’s (or even the judge’s) ability to deliver a just verdict. We are all responsible for assessing the existence of racial bias (and keeping up with what it looks like as it morphs) and sorting through how to best represent our clients in ensuring their story is heard.
(If you’d like to read the paper we wrote with recommendations for responding to racial bias, you can download it free at our website.)
“Aggression genes”, Asperger’s and Absolution (for criminal acts)
As we hear more and more about the brain in the courtroom, it only makes sense that we would also be hearing about genes and other conditions that are put forth as explanations/defenses for criminal behavior. Isn’t it nice when the world makes sense?
In 2007, Abdelmalek Bayout acknowledged stabbing and killing a man and was sentenced to 9 years and 2 months. But an appeals judge in Italy cut Bayout’s sentence by a year after learning Mr. Bayout has gene variants linked to aggression.
In the United States, a physics graduate student was diagnosed with Asperger’s Syndrome during his 2004 trial on seven counts of arson and one count of conspiracy in vandalizing/firebombing more than 130 vehicles in 2003. When the judge ruled that his Asperger’s diagnosis could not be introduced, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals tossed out the arson convictions leaving only the conspiracy count. Prosecutors sent him back to prison, receiving the original 100 month sentence that William “Billy” Cottrell originally was sentenced to for both counts.
The question of whether ‘aggression genes’ or Asperger’s (characterized as a social naivete with concrete reasoning and inability to understand when people are lying) can excuse criminal behavior—from murder to firebombing—remains an open issue. Defense attorneys can argue predisposition (through genes or disorder) or even pre-determined behaviors, and prosecutors can argue personal responsibility, knowledge of right and wrong, research on twins showing not everyone behaves illegally, the importance of consequences for actions, and social mores.
Our genes are not deterministic. Our diagnosed medical/mental conditions do not excuse us from being responsible for behaving badly towards others. Except when a defense argument appeals to the mysteries of genetic codes and their impact on behavior and the situational determinants of behavior weighing on all of us but more heavily on some than others. For now, the jury is out on whether convincing defense arguments can be made on criminal cases.
Simple Jury Persuasion: The more things change…
Aristotle talked about the ‘three pillars of persuasion’ in his famous essay “Rhetoric”. He labeled the three pillars: logic (or fact), pathos (or emotion) and ethos (or credibility). We can still learn today from the wise men of old as is illustrated by the following update on Aristotle produced shortly after the turn of the millennium (McIntyre-Birkner 2001).
Pillar 1: Logic
Fact—to be believable, you must present truthful information and show how your facts (or logic) can be used to logically arrive at a conclusion.
Pillar 2: Pathos
Emotion—to be persuasive you must push your listener’s emotional ‘hot buttons’ in a way that supports your cause/desired outcome.
Pillar 3: Ethos
Credibility—you must come across as honest, sincere, knowledgeable, competent, capable, and trustworthy.
Building Aristotle’s three pillars of persuasion into your voir dire and case presentation is easier said than done. There are so many pieces of evidence, so many details, so many facts to be introduced that it is easy to lose sight of the goal to tell a logical, gripping, and credible story that allows jurors to understand what happened, how it was wrong, and how to make it right.
Remember to tell the story to non-lawyers: your spouse, friends; significant others; your teenagers; focus group participants; and others who can help you determine the most important elements of the story. Your goal is to bring clarity to the listener and to build their confidence in the action needing to be taken in order to right the wrong done.
Logic, emotion, or credibility alone are not persuasive—blending the three into a coherent frame will tell your story in a manner that leads the listener to action.
McIntyre-Birkner, R. (2001). “Communicating to persuade.” Occupational Hazards 63(6): 10.
A picture is worth a thousand words…
Pictures communicate tremendous amounts of information in digestible and comprehensible bits of visual data. Sophisticated concepts can be broken down into something anyone can understand.
Cutting $100M from the federal budget: See, for example, this classic YouTube video of what it means that Obama is going to cut $100M from the federal budget. Wow. It seemed a lot bigger when I heard it than it did when I saw it.
Lifetime risk of maternal death in developed vs developing countries: Don’t use pie charts—they don’t work well when trying to depict small numbers. Instead, use bar charts and columns to show the difference between 1 in 8,000 and 1 in 76. Look how clear those hard-to-visualize numbers become!
Risk of being killed by animals: What are the most dangerous creatures in the world? Would it be sharks, bears or lions? Surprisingly, no. The most dangerous creature is the mosquito (killing 3M/year)!
Pictures stay with us. They summarize information for us in a succinct and clarifying fashion. We remember them and integrate the learning we take from them into our stored memories and experiences.
When you have a technical, complex, or simply dry and tedious fact pattern, a picture (also known as visual graphics, infographics, or demonstrative evidence) can help jurors wade through the hours and hours of testimony in words and have a visual in mind as they consider the evidence. We’ve seen the powerful graphics and the weak. Images that hit and efforts that miss. Invest money in visual evidence and test it in pre-trial research. You’ll get invaluable feedback on the user-friendliness of the visuals and your message will be communicated clearly and carried into the deliberation room by each juror.
Different strokes for different folks
By now we’ve all heard about the different ways various people process information. Some of us are more visual, some more auditory, some more tactile, some kinesthetic—and so on. Yet we often get stuck in communicating in the way that is most comfortable for us. ‘Just the facts’ doesn’t work for everyone. And more and more, jurors are annoyed by what they see as ‘cheap theatrics’ or ‘emotional manipulation’ on the part of attorneys. Finding ways to get your information across in a way that is heard by as many of your jurors as possible is challenging, to say the least.
Another way to think about various jurors and what they need to hear/how they learn best is to consider a recent publication that identifies five basic personality styles and how to best persuade them (Williams and Miller 2002). The table below identifies five styles, their characteristics, and how best to persuade them.
|
Personality Style |
Characteristics | How to best persuade |
| Charismatic | Easily intrigued, enthusiastic, talkative, dominant | Focus on results. Make simple and straightforward arguments. Use visual aids. |
| Thinker | Cerebral, intelligent, logical, and academic | Use lots of data. Acknowledge all perspectives and guide them toward the one you favor. |
| Follower | Responsible, cautious, bargain-conscious, brand-driven | References and testimonials will be persuasive. They like the tried and true—has this happened before and what was the outcome? |
| Skeptic | Demanding, disruptive, disagreeable, rebellious | You need as much credibility as you can possibly garner to get through to a skeptic. Or have both sides agree to a cause strike. [Keep in mind that this person is as annoying to the other jurors as he or she is to you.] |
| Controller | Logical, unemotional, sensible, detail oriented, accurate, analytical |
Provide a structured and credible argument. Use expert witnesses. Don’t be too pushy. Efforts to ‘persuade’ will backfire.
|
Interestingly enough, despite how different these personalities may appear on the outside, they want very similar things: information from multiple sources, credibility of the presenter, and clarity. None of them want conclusions and there is ample indication (except for the Followers) that they can be quite annoyed (not to mention suspicious) if presented with conclusions.
Get help in fleshing out your case narrative. Identify the questions that remain and the holes in your story. Your task is to simply be competent, credible, likeable, and thorough in presenting your case.
Williams, G. A. and R. B. Miller (2002). “Change the way you persuade.” Harvard Business Review 80(5): 9.
Simple Jury Persuasion: Be credible
Most of us are not nearly as credible as we think. Harry Mills, author of the book Artful Persuasion (Mills 2000) tells us that the cornerstones of credibility are:
1) expertise, and
2) relationships built on trust.
Mills recommends that persuaders build trusting relationships by very simply making commitments and fulfilling them.
“Making commitments and fulfilling them.”
How very simple.
Five words, yet so hard to remember.
What it means is that you tell the jury in your opening statement what you the evidence will make clear. And then you present the case that does it. You don’t over-promise and you don’t ever hope they’ll forget. If your relationship is to be trustworthy—they have to know that you will indeed do what you said you would do.
Trust your case. Keep your word. Speak the truth.
Mills, H. (2000). Artful Persuasion: How to command attention, change minds, and influence people, AMACOM.
Witness Preparation: First impressions REALLY do matter!
Remember that famous study saying communication is 55% body language, 38% tonal, and 7% verbal? Turns out that is unfortunately a distorted (albeit widely disseminated) report of the study results. While non-verbal communication isn’t as powerful as that oft-repeated research version of an urban legend would lead us to believe, we do know that first impressions (often based on appearance rather than what is said) are powerful.
When it comes to witnesses, and how witnesses present themselves in the courtroom, this knowledge is beyond valuable. Mock jurors in pre-trial research make instantaneous judgments on character and personality by simply looking and listening. A recent project we worked on asked participants to assess an attractive young woman who had made some mistakes that became quite public. Mock juror assessments of her were remarkably consistent (and remarkably negative).
They overlooked her attractiveness and focused instead on her too frequent sniffing (“I think she just took a hit of cocaine”); appearing older than her age (“She looks pretty old for her age—like she’s used up”); and her apparent anxiety (“She is enjoying playing around with authority—she thinks she’s pretty smart and doesn’t take this seriously”). These impressions were not based on her words, but rather on how she looked and juror pre-dispositions to view her negatively.
Some new research enlightens us with updated information on how people make instantaneous judgments about others based on physical appearance alone. Laura Naumann and Sam Gosling led a study described on the Situationist blog where participants were asked to infer personality characteristics based on full-body photographs (not video). They were shown either a controlled pose (with a neutral facial expression) or a naturally expressed pose. With the controlled pose, traits were difficult to infer (although participants did a good job with extraversion and self-esteem). Photographs of naturally expressed poses were a different matter. Instantaneous impressions of naturally expressed poses were accurate for 9 of 10 personality traits (e.g., extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability, openness, likability, self-esteem, loneliness, religiosity and political orientation) they were asked to assess.
Gosling makes recommendations about how to communicate specific traits by varying whether you smile and how you stand (tense or relaxed, energetic or tired). Specifically, extraverts smile more, appear more energetic and relaxed, and appear healthy, neat and stylish. Giving witnesses feedback on how to relax their bodies, how to communicate energy, and how to seem likable and credible can give them more confidence and result in a more positive impression upon the jury.
As you are preparing witnesses, watch how they present themselves physically. Jurors certainly do.
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